Gorka
begins his book with a biographical introduction. He recounts his father’s
travails as an anti-Communist in Hungary in the immediate postwar era.
Fortunately, the elder Paul Gorka was able to make his way to England where his
son Sebastian was born. He retains connections to Hungary and received his
master’s degree from Budapest University of Economic Sciences and Public
Administration in 1997. His biography does reflect upon the overall thesis of
his book. He advocates the policy of “containment” that won the Cold War
against the Soviets:
[George] Kennan’s analysis became the basis not only for America’s later “containment” policy—the plan to protect the West from the threat of communism that President Truman eventually announced to a joint session of Congress in 1947—but also for National Security Council Report NSC-68, the top-secret White House plan to defeat Soviet Russia, a plan that would result, forty years later, in the fall f the Berlin Wall and victory in the Cold War. (p. 22)
He
considers these documents of such central importance to his thesis that the
full transcripts of Kennan’s famous “long Telegram” and NSC-68 are included as
appendixes in the book. However, the author does not discuss the many
deviations from containment such as détente and other examples of Western
appeasement of the Soviet Union – and Communist China – such as trade and
“cultural” exchanges.
Gorka
states that since 9/11 the USA has lacked a threat assessment of the enemy and,
therefore, a strategy for victory. One reason he wrote this book is to rectify
this notorious evasion of reality and provide a contemporary “Long Telegram”
that will guide the nation to victory over its new “totalitarian” enemy.
The
first section of the book lays out the failures of the last decades in dealing
with the global jihad. He then ably describes the evolution of the modern jihad
movement. He argues that 1979 was the key turning point due to three key
events: Iran’s Islamic revolution, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the
“fundamentalist” takeover of the main mosque in Mecca. The first and second
event don’t require much elaboration for informed readers. The last is much
more obscure for Westerners. The ruling Saud family was shocked to discover
that many of their pet imams supported or were sympathetic to the jihadists.
The result was an arrangement where the Saudi regime would fund jihad and
subversion around the globe, just so long as their rule was not questioned at
home (p. 84). According to Gorka, these events provided jihadists with global
ambitions and the resources to carry out their agenda throughout the world.
Another
fountainhead of jihad that Gorka discusses is the Muslim Brotherhood. He
observes that with the demise of the caliphate after World War One, the Brotherhood
developed a doctrine of justifying jihad against infidels and apostates that
does not require a caliph’s declaration.
His [Sayyid Qutb]
ideas on jihad and religious war live on, however. Milestones is found all over the Middle East, in many Islamic
“cultural centers” across the United States, and, significantly, in the
possession of high-value jihadist targets on the battlefield and of terrorists
apprehended here in America. (p. 99)
In
the book’s final chapter “What is to be Done? How America wins and the Jihadis
lose” three policies are recommended. Frankly, they’re all weak tea and bear little
resemblance to a forceful strategy of containment. His three recommendations
are: “Deploy the truth: you cannot win a war if you cannot talk honestly about
the enemy”; “Take a step back: help other fight their own wars”; “Winning the
war at home: education and human intelligence” (pp. 129-132). He elaborates on
these points at length. For example, he admits that his last point would
require turning the USA into a garrison state: “Every American citizen has a
mission to execute if we are to win this war” (p.135). There is not much
containment of jihad to be seen here.
The
reason for Gorka’s ultimate failure is that he doesn’t heed his own advice
about properly identifying the enemy:
Today’s threat is hybrid totalitarianism that goes beyond
the man-made justification for perfecting society along politically defined
lines and instead uses the religion of Islam and Allah to justify mass murder …
We are not at war with Islam (pp. 18, 129). (Emphasis in original)
I'm glad you identified Gorka as another Mattis, someone who is reluctant to state that indeed we are at war with Islam. The man is bad news, as are Mattis and McMaster. He can only steer Trump in the wrong direction and bring more failure to oppose a war-making Islam.
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